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<title>Theories of International Mobility and the Incorporation of Immigrants</title>
<meta name="description" content="Slides for Theories of International Mobility and the Incorporation of Immigrants">
<meta name="author" content="John R.B. Palmer">
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<h2>Theories of International Mobility and the Incorporation of Immigrants</h2>
<h3>Class 3: Social Determinants of Migration</h3>
<p><a href="http://johnrbpalmer.com">John Palmer</a></p>
</section>
<section>
<section>
<img class="stretch" src="images/MasseyGarcia1987_title.png">
<p><a href="https://science.sciencemag.org/content/237/4816/733/tab-pdf">Science, 237(4816): 733-738 (1987)</a></p>
</section>
<section>
<ul><i>The volume of Mexican migration to the United States is not strongly related to fluctuations in relative wages and the upswing of migration in the 1970s occurred in spite of falling real wages, rapid inflation, and high unemployment in the United States and increasing wages and relatively low employment in Mexico.</i></ul>
</section>
<section>
<img class="stretch" src="images/MasseyGarcia1987_table1.png">
</section>
<section>
<img class="stretch" src="images/MasseyGarcia1987_table3.png">
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</section>
<section>
<section>
<img class="stretch" src="images/Massey1990_title.png">
<p><a href="http://www.thesocialcontract.com/pdf/four-three/massey.pdf">The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 510: 60-72 (1990)</a></p>
</section>
<section>
<h4>Economic Foundations</h4>
</section>
<section>
<p>How well do wage differentials explain migration patterns?</p>
</section>
<section>
<ul>"Although a large wage differential is clearly an incentive to movement, it is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition. Migration decisions in developing countries are typically made by families, not individuals, and families migrate not only to maximize earnings but also to minimize risks."</ul>
</section>
<section>
<p>Is international migration caused by lack of development?</p>
</section>
<section>
<ul>Development is "inherently destructive and destabilizing and, in the short run, enhances the pressures for emigration rather than reduces them. Economic development destroys a previously stable economic and social system, peasant agriculture, by substituting capital for labor, privatizing landholding and creating markets. The destruction of the peasant economic system creates a pool of socially and economically displaced people, who provide the source for both internal and international migration."</ul>
</section>
<section>
<ul>
"In the developing world, the decline in mortality occurred rapidly in a few years after 1945, but fertility remained high because of early marriage and lack of desire for family limitation.... These high population growth rates have exacerbated the pressures for emigration in contemporary developing countries by increasing the ratio of population to land and driving down agrarian wages."</ul>
</section>
<section>
<h4>Social Foundations</h4>
</section>
<section>
"Immigration is far more dynamic than standard economic analyses suggest because it tends to feed back on itself through social channels. As a result, immigration has become progressively independent of the economic conditions that originally caused it and alters social structures in ways that increase the likelihood of subsequent migration."
</section>
<section>
"Migrant networks are sets of interpersonal ties that link together migrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants in origin and destination areas through the bonds of kinship, friendship and shared community origin."
</section>
<section>
<p>How do migrant networks reduce costs of migration?</p>
<ul>
<li>Direct monetary costs of trip</li>
<li>Information and search costs for new job</li>
<li>Opportunity costs of foregone income</li>
<li>Psychic costs of leaving home</li>
</ul>
</section>
<section>
<p>How is this different from economic theory?</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>Shouldn't we expect networks to impact migration in ways other than by reducing costs?</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>Cumulative causation and non-linear dynamics</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>What are the limits of cumulative causation? How do we explain drops in previously large migration flows?</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>What role do social networks play in New Economics of migration theory?</p>
</section>
</section>
<section>
<section>
<img class="stretch" src="images/WissinkMazzucato2018_title.png">
<p><a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0378873316300958">Social Networks, 53: 30-41 (2018)</a></p>
</section>
<section>
<p>What are "transit migrants"?</p>
<p>Why study "transit migration hubs"?</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>When would we expect networks to facilitate migration?</p>
<p>When would we expect networks to impede migration?</p>
<p>When would we expect networks to have little role in migration?</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>What do previous cross-sectional studies of migrant networks lack?</p>
</section>
<section>
<p>What are critical events?</p>
</section>
<section>
<img class="stretch" src="images/WissinkMazzucato2018_NetA.png">
</section>
</section>
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