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| 1 | +/-! |
| 2 | +# Agreement Controller — Grammatical Role of the Controlling NP |
| 3 | +@cite{corbett-2006} ch 2 §2.1, ch 6 §6.6 |
| 4 | +
|
| 5 | +While `Core/Agreement/Target.lean` enumerates WHERE agreement morphology |
| 6 | +surfaces (Corbett 1991 Agreement Hierarchy), this file enumerates WHICH |
| 7 | +GRAMMATICAL ROLE the controlling NP plays. The two axes are orthogonal: |
| 8 | +a language can have subject-controlled verb agreement |
| 9 | +(`Controller.subj` × `AgreementTarget.verb`) and possessor-controlled |
| 10 | +attributive agreement (`Controller.poss` × `AgreementTarget.attributive`). |
| 11 | +
|
| 12 | +## Typological labels |
| 13 | +
|
| 14 | +The labels here are typological metalanguage — Comrie/Dixon S/A/P |
| 15 | ++ grammatical-relation labels used across frameworks. Different theories |
| 16 | +operationalize them differently (LFG SUBJ ≠ Minimalist external argument |
| 17 | +≠ RG 1), but at the level of CROSS-LINGUISTIC DESCRIPTION (which is what |
| 18 | +`Core.Morphology.MorphCategory.agreement` records), the labels are |
| 19 | +reasonably consensual. Framework-specific projections |
| 20 | +(LFG analysis → Controller, Minimalist analysis → Controller) live in |
| 21 | +`Theories/Syntax/`. |
| 22 | +
|
| 23 | +## Cases derived from Corbett 2006 |
| 24 | +
|
| 25 | +@cite{corbett-2006} §2.1 surveys controller TYPES (canonical NPs, |
| 26 | +defective clauses §2.1.2, weather-verb absent controllers §2.1.3, |
| 27 | +possessive adjectives §2.1.4, qualitative adjectives §2.1.5). Within |
| 28 | +canonical NP controllers, the orthogonal GRAMMATICAL-ROLE dimension |
| 29 | +is treated in §6.6 — Hindi/Urdu (p. 195): "if the subject is in |
| 30 | +the nominative, the verb agrees with it; otherwise, if the object |
| 31 | +is in the nominative, the verb agrees with that; otherwise the verb |
| 32 | +shows default agreement". This 3-way subj/obj/default rule is the |
| 33 | +canonical Indo-Aryan pattern; other languages fold in indirect |
| 34 | +objects (recipients), possessors (Upper Sorbian §2.1.4), and rarely |
| 35 | +obliques. |
| 36 | +
|
| 37 | +## Anderson 2006 Ch 5 §5.2 motivation |
| 38 | +
|
| 39 | +The substrate gap that prompted this enum: Anderson's split/doubled |
| 40 | +AVC typology turns on "subjects on both AUX and LV; objects only on |
| 41 | +LV" — a generalization unstateable when `MorphCategory.agreement` |
| 42 | +collapses subj/obj. Parameterizing `agreement` on `Controller` |
| 43 | +makes the Anderson Ch 5 typology directly Lean-checkable: |
| 44 | +`dist.onLex.contains (.agreement .obj) ∧ ¬ dist.onAux.contains (.agreement .obj)`. |
| 45 | +
|
| 46 | +## Bybee 1985 motivation |
| 47 | +
|
| 48 | +`Phenomena/Morphology/Studies/Bybee1985.lean:255-257` already encodes |
| 49 | +Bybee's source distinction `personAgr / personAgrObj / genderAgr` but |
| 50 | +collapses all three onto flat `.agreement` in the substrate projection. |
| 51 | +With the parametric form, the projection round-trips: |
| 52 | +`personAgr → .agreement .subj`, `personAgrObj → .agreement .obj`. |
| 53 | +
|
| 54 | +## What's NOT here |
| 55 | +
|
| 56 | +- **Case** — case-marking (nom/erg/abs/dat/...) is orthogonal to |
| 57 | + grammatical role. Quirky-case subjects in Icelandic, ergative-case |
| 58 | + agents in Tsakhur, etc. are case phenomena, not controller-role |
| 59 | + phenomena. Case lives in `Core/Case/`. |
| 60 | +- **φ-features** (person, number, gender) — these are properties of |
| 61 | + the CONTROLLER NP that determine agreement values. Not encoded in |
| 62 | + the controller-role enum itself. |
| 63 | +- **Animacy / topicality / focus** — agreement *conditions* per |
| 64 | + @cite{corbett-2006} ch 6, not controller-role labels. |
| 65 | +-/ |
| 66 | + |
| 67 | +namespace Core.Agreement |
| 68 | + |
| 69 | +/-- Grammatical role of the agreement controller. Cross-linguistically |
| 70 | + motivated typological labels per @cite{corbett-2006} §6.6. -/ |
| 71 | +inductive Controller where |
| 72 | + /-- Subject (S in intransitive, A in transitive). The unmarked case |
| 73 | + cross-linguistically. Russian *kniga* controlling verb agreement; |
| 74 | + English *he* controlling *-s*. -/ |
| 75 | + | subj |
| 76 | + /-- Direct object (P in transitive). In ergative-absolutive systems, |
| 77 | + the absolutive argument; cf. Dargwa gender-prefix agreement |
| 78 | + controlled by absolutive (@cite{corbett-2006} §6.5 ex. 21-26). -/ |
| 79 | + | obj |
| 80 | + /-- Indirect object / recipient (G in ditransitive). Some Bantu and |
| 81 | + Romance dialects show recipient agreement on the verb. -/ |
| 82 | + | iobj |
| 83 | + /-- Possessor. Hungarian possessive suffix; Upper Sorbian |
| 84 | + *moj-eho muž-ow-a sotr-a* where the possessive adjective |
| 85 | + controls the attributive (@cite{corbett-2006} §2.1.4). -/ |
| 86 | + | poss |
| 87 | + /-- Oblique (rare; some Bantu locative agreement). Provided for |
| 88 | + typological completeness. -/ |
| 89 | + | obl |
| 90 | + /-- No canonical controller. Weather verbs (Italian *piove* |
| 91 | + @cite{corbett-2006} §2.1.3), defective clausal/infinitival |
| 92 | + controllers (§2.1.2): the target shows default agreement |
| 93 | + (typically 3sg.M in IE languages). -/ |
| 94 | + | defaultAgr |
| 95 | + deriving DecidableEq, Repr, Inhabited |
| 96 | + |
| 97 | +end Core.Agreement |
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