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1 | 1 | { |
2 | | - "update": "2024-11-18", |
| 2 | + "update": "2024-11-19", |
3 | 3 | "content": [ |
4 | 4 | { |
5 | 5 | "journal_full": "American Journal of Political Science", |
|
28 | 28 | "journal_full": "American Political Science Review", |
29 | 29 | "journal_short": "APSR", |
30 | 30 | "articles": [ |
31 | | - { |
32 | | - "title": "The Class Ceiling in Politics", |
33 | | - "authors": "OLLE FOLKE, JOHANNA RICKNE", |
34 | | - "abstract": "Prior studies have documented that working-class individuals rarely become parliamentarians. We know less about when in the career pipeline to parliament workers disappear, and why. We study these questions using detailed data on the universe of Swedish politicians’ careers over a 50-year period. We find roughly equal-sized declines in the proportion of workers on various rungs of the political career ladder ranging from local to national office. We reject the potential explanations that workers lack political ambition, public service motivation, honesty, or voter support. And while workers’ average high school grades and cognitive test scores are lower, this cannot explain their large promotion disadvantage, a situation that we label a class ceiling. Organizational ties to blue-collar unions help workers advance, but only to lower-level positions in left-leaning parties. We conclude that efforts to improve workers’ numerical representation should apply throughout the career ladder and focus on intra-party processes.", |
35 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055424001011", |
36 | | - "doi": "10.1017/s0003055424001011", |
37 | | - "filter": 0 |
38 | | - }, |
39 | | - { |
40 | | - "title": "Structural Responsibility", |
41 | | - "authors": "MARA MARIN", |
42 | | - "abstract": "I argue that current normative discussions of the responsibility for structural injustice are marred by an inadequate socio-theoretical view of structures and their functioning. This view reduces the relation between structures and actions to one of constraint: structures mainly inhibit transformative action; transformative action can only come from outside structures. I offer an alternative view of structures and their functioning that, drawing on and extending Sewell’s and Haslanger’s conceptions of structures and Arendt’s view of action, shows that actions are structurally and publicly constituted—they acquire social meaning in relation to structures, in a process of public interpretation—which is why they can transform the structures where they originate. Responsibility to dismantle unjust structures should then be understood as “structural responsibility”: responsibility to act from one’s structural position in ways that can disrupt the mechanisms of structural maintenance.", |
43 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055424001072", |
44 | | - "doi": "10.1017/s0003055424001072", |
45 | | - "filter": 0 |
46 | | - }, |
47 | 31 | { |
48 | 32 | "title": "Empowered Minipublics for Democratic Renewal? Evidence from Three Conjoint Experiments in the United States, Ireland, and Finland", |
49 | 33 | "authors": "SASKIA GOLDBERG, MARINA LINDELL, ANDRÉ BÄCHTIGER", |
50 | 34 | "abstract": "This article investigates the potential of deliberative minipublics to provide a new set of institutions for democratic renewal. Using three preregistered and identical conjoint experiments in the United States, Ireland, and Finland, it first shows that minipublics are moderately attractive institutional innovations, but that in all three country contexts, citizens in general are very reluctant to grant them empowerment and autonomy as well as ask for additional provisions (such as large size or large majorities for recommendations). Subgroup analyses, however, reveal that especially participation in minipublics as well as trust in other citizens as decision-makers in combination with low political trust produces more support for empowered and autonomous minipublics. But what stands out in the empirical analysis is that most citizens want minipublics as additions to the representative system, not as a replacement of the existing democratic infrastructure, as some minipublic advocates have suggested.", |
51 | 35 | "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055424001163", |
52 | 36 | "doi": "10.1017/s0003055424001163", |
53 | 37 | "filter": 0 |
54 | | - }, |
55 | | - { |
56 | | - "title": "Durkheim’s Empire: The Concept of Solidarity and Its Colonial Dimension", |
57 | | - "authors": "ROUVEN SYMANK", |
58 | | - "abstract": "This article challenges prevailing national interpretations of solidarity by examining its colonial dimensions. Employing the Durkheimian school as a historical lens, I demonstrate how the colonial context during the Third Republic shaped the emergence and application of solidarity as a scientific concept. Informed by colonial ethnographies, solidarity was not merely a sociological self-description within European nations; it also formed part of political agendas beyond Europe. I illustrate how Durkheim’s concept was utilized to enhance scientific understanding of colonized societies, aiding French colonial administrators in promoting developmentalist reforms. As national models extended internationally, solidarity evolved from social cohesion to economic integration within the international legal order. This progression toward modern solidarity—and the injustices it entailed—appeared inevitable, masking political struggles for self-determination. By critically recontextualizing solidarity, this analysis contributes to contemporary political theory debates, demonstrating its application in supporting an inclusive legal-economic agenda while failing to systematically confront colonial injustices.", |
59 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055424001023", |
60 | | - "doi": "10.1017/s0003055424001023", |
61 | | - "filter": 0 |
62 | | - }, |
63 | | - { |
64 | | - "title": "June Jordan’s Political Theory of Redesign", |
65 | | - "authors": "LISA BEARD", |
66 | | - "abstract": "This essay examines June Jordan’s design writings to elaborate a political theory of redesign in her work. I show that Jordan’s redesign offers political principles for reimagining space at multiple scales and speaks to the question of how more livable, beautiful worlds may be wrought from the material contexts in which we presently live. Against the grain of the dismantling of public goods in the late twentieth century, Jordan re-envisioned public city spaces and housing with dignity and room for human flourishing. Her primary barometer for design was the fullest expression of human aliveness—she insisted that the built environment should “[cherish] as it amplifies the experience of being alive.” Jordan’s visionary pragmatism anticipates what Deva Woodly calls the “radical Black feminist pragmatism” of the twenty-first century’s Movement for Black Lives and speaks to contemporary abolitionist thought and struggles over the future of public goods.", |
67 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055424000698", |
68 | | - "doi": "10.1017/s0003055424000698", |
69 | | - "filter": 0 |
70 | 38 | } |
71 | 39 | ], |
72 | 40 | "articles_hidden": [] |
|
164 | 132 | "journal_full": "Public Choice", |
165 | 133 | "journal_short": "PubChoice", |
166 | 134 | "articles": [ |
167 | | - { |
168 | | - "title": "You have nothing to lose but your chains?", |
169 | | - "authors": "Gabriel F. Benzecry, Nicholas A. Reinarts, Daniel J. Smith", |
170 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01223-8", |
171 | | - "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01223-8", |
172 | | - "filter": 0 |
173 | | - }, |
174 | 135 | { |
175 | 136 | "title": "The economics of everything: Robert B. Ekelund Jr.’s contributions to the study of extra-market activities", |
176 | 137 | "authors": "Franklin G. Mixon, Rand W. Ressler", |
177 | 138 | "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01244-3", |
178 | 139 | "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01244-3", |
179 | 140 | "filter": 0 |
180 | 141 | }, |
| 142 | + { |
| 143 | + "title": "You have nothing to lose but your chains?", |
| 144 | + "authors": "Gabriel F. Benzecry, Nicholas A. Reinarts, Daniel J. Smith", |
| 145 | + "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01223-8", |
| 146 | + "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01223-8", |
| 147 | + "filter": 0 |
| 148 | + }, |
181 | 149 | { |
182 | 150 | "title": "Pious people, patronage jobs, and the labor market: Turkey under Erdoğan’s AKP", |
183 | 151 | "authors": "Cem Oyvat, Hasan Tekgüç, Alper H. Yagci", |
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