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1 | 1 | { |
2 | | - "update": "2024-11-25", |
| 2 | + "update": "2024-11-26", |
3 | 3 | "content": [ |
4 | 4 | { |
5 | 5 | "journal_full": "American Journal of Political Science", |
|
66 | 66 | "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123424000346", |
67 | 67 | "doi": "10.1017/s0007123424000346", |
68 | 68 | "filter": 0 |
69 | | - }, |
70 | | - { |
71 | | - "title": "Dilemmas of Powerlessness: The Ethical Dimensions of Political Action in the Swedish Parliament", |
72 | | - "authors": "Joel Martinsson", |
73 | | - "abstract": "What are the most challenging ethical dilemmas for politicians, and how do they handle them? The classical literature on ethical dilemmas in politics has mainly explored them as conflicts between ethical principles in high-stakes decisions. However, empirical evidence of the extent to which such dilemmas accurately reflect the experience of most politicians is scarce. Drawing on extensive in-depth interviews with Swedish parliamentarians, I show that their dilemmas stem mainly from powerlessness. Powerlessness in politics manifests itself in primarily two ways: relational powerlessness, which is driven by constraints like party and constituency loyalties, and inherent powerlessness due to formal and informal barriers like constitutional mandates and limited time and resources. This study contributes to the field of political ethics by anchoring political dilemmas in everyday democratic politics and by introducing powerlessness as a new central concept. In doing so, it supplements our understanding of ethical dilemmas in politics with insights from those confronting them.", |
74 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712342400022x", |
75 | | - "doi": "10.1017/s000712342400022x", |
76 | | - "filter": 0 |
77 | 69 | } |
78 | 70 | ], |
79 | 71 | "articles_hidden": [] |
|
194 | 186 | ], |
195 | 187 | "articles_hidden": [] |
196 | 188 | }, |
197 | | - { |
198 | | - "journal_full": "Political Science Research and Methods", |
199 | | - "journal_short": "PSRM", |
200 | | - "articles": [ |
201 | | - { |
202 | | - "title": "Are solidarity and identification as people of color distinct? Validating new measures across Asian, Black, Latino, and Multiracial Americans", |
203 | | - "authors": "Efrén Pérez, Seth K. Goldman, Yuen J. Huo, Tatishe Nteta, Linda R. Tropp", |
204 | | - "abstract": "Mounting U.S. research suggests many non-White individuals feel solidarity with, and identify as, people of color (PoC). Yet measurement limitations prevent scholars from testing whether these constructs are empirically different. We explain why these concepts diverge and evaluate our claims with an expanded battery of measures across U.S. Asian, Black, Latino, and Multiracial adults ( N = 3402). Using multi-group confirmatory factor analysis, we show these items capture related but distinct concepts among PoC ( configural invariance ). We then establish that these items uniformly measure each construct across PoC groups ( metric invariance ), with mean level differences validly reflecting actual heterogeneity between groups, rather than measurement artifacts ( scalar invariance ). Finally, consistent with our conceptualization, we show that solidarity among PoC mediates the association between PoC identification and support for policies that implicate various communities of color. We end with practical advice for using these items in surveys of racially diverse populations.", |
205 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2024.61", |
206 | | - "doi": "10.1017/psrm.2024.61", |
207 | | - "filter": 0 |
208 | | - } |
209 | | - ], |
210 | | - "articles_hidden": [] |
211 | | - }, |
212 | 189 | { |
213 | 190 | "journal_full": "PS: Political Science & Politics", |
214 | 191 | "journal_short": "PS", |
215 | 192 | "articles": [ |
216 | 193 | { |
217 | | - "title": "Could Opposition to Gender-Neutral Language Become a Wedge Issue?", |
218 | | - "authors": "Gary M. Reich, Kristopher J. Long", |
219 | | - "abstract": "In 2023, both Democratic and Republican elected officials supported banning official use of the gender-neutral term “Latinx.” Using a nationally representative survey sample, this study examines whether opposition to the gender-neutral term “Latinx” suggests a potential wedge issue that cuts across partisanship. We find that opposition to “Latinx” is significantly higher among Republican partisans, those who disapprove of Joe Biden as president, and those with “colder” feelings toward Democrats. Opposition to “Latinx” generally converges with factors that predict existing partisan divisions; where it diverges, it does not affect respondent evaluations of Biden or feelings about Democrats. Based on these findings, we conclude that gender-neutral language currently shows little potential as a wedge issue.", |
220 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000465", |
221 | | - "doi": "10.1017/s1049096524000465", |
| 194 | + "title": "Introduction: The Politics of Abortion in the Americas", |
| 195 | + "authors": "Mariela Daby, Mason W. Moseley", |
| 196 | + "abstract": "Sweeping changes in abortion politics are underway in the Americas. Argentina, Mexico, Colombia, and Uruguay have legalized abortion in recent years, marking a sea change in the most Catholic region of the world. At the same time, several states in the United States have restricted abortion access following the US Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe vs. Wade , and numerous Central American countries have moved to fully criminalize the practice. Abortion is now legal in countries where it was long taboo, whereas the United States is characterized by a patchwork of laws that spans from some of the most progressive in the world to near-total bans. What explains this changing panorama in terms of reproductive rights in the Americas?", |
| 197 | + "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000623", |
| 198 | + "doi": "10.1017/s1049096524000623", |
| 199 | + "filter": 0 |
| 200 | + }, |
| 201 | + { |
| 202 | + "title": "Weak Institutions, Strong Movements: The Uneven Implementation of Abortion Policy in Latin America", |
| 203 | + "authors": "Ana Sofia Elverdin", |
| 204 | + "abstract": "Across Latin American countries, there is remarkable heterogeneity in abortion legislation, ranging from full prohibition to legal elective abortion. 1 However, abortion policy does not seem to clearly map onto implementation on the ground. On the one hand, even in countries with very restrictive abortion laws, (clandestine) abortion rates are comparatively high, and legislation that criminalizes abortion is rarely enforced (Blofield 2006; Htun 2003). On the other hand, in countries that allow abortion under all or some circumstances, access to abortion is not guaranteed. In Argentina, for instance, different reports have stressed the difficulty in accessing abortion procedures both before and after legalization was enacted in early 2021. 2", |
| 205 | + "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909652400057x", |
| 206 | + "doi": "10.1017/s104909652400057x", |
| 207 | + "filter": 0 |
| 208 | + }, |
| 209 | + { |
| 210 | + "title": "The Decriminalization of Abortion in Latin America: A Tale of Gradual Judicialization", |
| 211 | + "authors": "Jordi Díez, Alba Ruibal", |
| 212 | + "abstract": "Latin America historically has had some of the strictest abortion laws in the world, making unsafe procedures a main cause of mortality among women and girls. However, in the context of the Green Wave, three countries recently have amply decriminalized access to abortion: Mexico (2021, 2023), Colombia (2022), and Argentina (2020) (Uruguay did so in 2012). The recent wave of decriminalization is the culmination of larger, historical processes that involved the gradual judicialization of reproductive rights in the region. Courts have been a central part of the story. In these three cases, arguments advanced by state and nonstate actors in favor of decriminalization significantly built on jurisprudence developed over many years. The process of abortion decriminalization has been partly a tale of gradual judicialization.", |
| 213 | + "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000660", |
| 214 | + "doi": "10.1017/s1049096524000660", |
| 215 | + "filter": 0 |
| 216 | + }, |
| 217 | + { |
| 218 | + "title": "Legalizing Abortion in the Southern Cone", |
| 219 | + "authors": "Cora Fernández Anderson", |
| 220 | + "abstract": "The Southern Cone has been at the forefront of the fight for abortion rights in Latin America. Due to the legacies of Hispanic legal traditions and the overwhelming political influence of the Catholic Church, the region historically has been known for its restrictive policies on abortion and reproductive rights more broadly. 1 However, in the past 15 years, Southern Cone countries began to challenge those restrictions and embarked on a feminist revolution that led to what is now widely known as the “Green Wave” because of the color embraced by abortion-rights activists. Uruguay began this trend of legalizing abortion on demand in 2012, followed by Argentina in 2020. Chile experienced a moderate reform in 2017 when it moved from a total ban to a system of exceptions. Feminists have been trying ever since to pass abortion on demand through both legislative and constitutional reforms, which have not yet yielded the expected results.", |
| 221 | + "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909652400060x", |
| 222 | + "doi": "10.1017/s104909652400060x", |
| 223 | + "filter": 0 |
| 224 | + }, |
| 225 | + { |
| 226 | + "title": "Judicial Federalism and Abortion in Mexico and the United States", |
| 227 | + "authors": "Caroline Beer", |
| 228 | + "abstract": "As the US Supreme Court was preparing to overturn Roe v. Wade , the Mexican Supreme Court issued a series of sweeping rulings to liberalize abortion—part of a larger trend across Latin America (Daby and Moseley 2022; Fernandez Anderson 2017; Reuterswärd 2020; Ruibal 2014). Mexico has created a nationwide standard of access to abortion services, whereas the United States has abandoned universal legal abortion and embraced a patchwork system in which each state has different laws regulating reproductive healthcare. Why are these two neighbors on such divergent paths? This contribution to the symposium compares the ways that federalism and judicial politics have interacted in Mexico and the United States to explain the different trajectories of abortion policy. The divergent paths of the United States and Mexico can be explained by the two countries’ different experiences with democracy and political and institutional differences between the judiciaries. A different civil-society and constitutional context also has played a role.", |
| 229 | + "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000647", |
| 230 | + "doi": "10.1017/s1049096524000647", |
222 | 231 | "filter": 0 |
223 | 232 | } |
224 | 233 | ], |
|
228 | 237 | "journal_full": "Public Choice", |
229 | 238 | "journal_short": "PubChoice", |
230 | 239 | "articles": [ |
231 | | - { |
232 | | - "title": "The spontaneous provision of criminal law", |
233 | | - "authors": "Gabriel F. Benzecry, Henry A. Thompson", |
234 | | - "abstract": "For decades, non-state actors have supplied criminal law in Brazil’s favelas. This paper offers a humanomics account of the private provision of an impure public good. Our analysis reaches three conclusions. First, criminal law can be provided without either public intervention or reliance on the price system. Informal norms may be sufficient, indicating that Adam Smith’s invisible hand logic extends beyond legal markets grounded in private property rights and governed by well-defined prices. Second, a common sense of propriety, a key aspect of the humanomics approach, may not always be context-free. One’s environment may shape the precise objects of propriety. Third, spontaneous legal orders can be robust to agent type.", |
235 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01235-4", |
236 | | - "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01235-4", |
237 | | - "filter": 0 |
238 | | - }, |
239 | | - { |
240 | | - "title": "Remembering Bob Ekelund: his impact on us, and on the economics of art", |
241 | | - "authors": "John D. Jackson, Sarah Jackson Skinner", |
242 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01242-5", |
243 | | - "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01242-5", |
244 | | - "filter": 0 |
245 | | - }, |
246 | 240 | { |
247 | 241 | "title": "Soft-power and pro-European bias in the UNESCO World Heritage List? A test based on ICOMOS experts’ evaluations of colonial sites", |
248 | 242 | "authors": "Martina Dattilo, Fabio Padovano, Yvon Rocaboy", |
249 | 243 | "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01248-z", |
250 | 244 | "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01248-z", |
251 | 245 | "filter": 0 |
252 | | - }, |
253 | | - { |
254 | | - "title": "Robert B. Ekelund, Jr., and the economics of culture", |
255 | | - "authors": "Shawn Ritenour", |
256 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01245-2", |
257 | | - "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01245-2", |
258 | | - "filter": 0 |
259 | | - }, |
260 | | - { |
261 | | - "title": "Expert knowledge and the administrative state", |
262 | | - "authors": "Jordan K. Lofthouse, Alexander Schaefer", |
263 | | - "abstract": "Over the past century, the administrative state has vastly expanded its power and political independence of Congress. Some prominent academic voices, such as Cass Sunstein and Joseph Heath, have argued that we should endorse the administrative state’s large and growing powers to reap the benefits of technical expertise. We introduce an important qualification to that claim by highlighting the contingency of expert knowledge. The reliability of expertise is institutionally sensitive, and the centralized administrative state is plagued by epistemic drawbacks. The contingency of expert knowledge means that, although experts supply crucial inputs into intelligent policy design, without the correct epistemic ecosystem , expert rule is likely to produce expert failure. After presenting that qualification, we show how introducing competition, contestation, and diversity into the bureaucracy’s epistemic ecosystem facilitates the discovery, communication, and implementation of useful knowledge. The institutional structure we prescribe therefore resembles the Ostromian idea of polycentric governance . Such an institutional structure, we argue, is better able to harness the benefits of expertise while mitigating the pathologies of the centralized administrative state. We argue that polycentric political systems can enhance the effectiveness of expertise.", |
264 | | - "url": "http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-024-01228-3", |
265 | | - "doi": "10.1007/s11127-024-01228-3", |
266 | | - "filter": 0 |
267 | 246 | } |
268 | 247 | ], |
269 | 248 | "articles_hidden": [] |
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